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Sandefur and Carolyn A. Liebler Introduction This chapter describes some key features of contemporary American Indian families and changes in these features over time. A major theme of the discussion is that a growing proportion of American Indian children reside with only one parent.

The prevalence of single-parent families is especially pronounced on some reservations. These family patterns, combined with depressed economic conditions, place many American Indian children at risk. To examine American Indian families, we rely primarily on data from the U. Bureau of the Census. These data show that Amercan Indian children are less likely to reside with two parents than are children in the total U.

Also, American Indian women are less likely to ever marry and more likely to be divorced than women in general. The trends natibe these characteristics over time roughly follow trends in the overall U.

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The extent of single parenthood, never marrying, and divorce is higher on some of the reservations than among other segments of the Indian population. These reservations also tend to have high unemployment and poverty rates, and some have unfavorable sex ratios for marriage.

The conditions on the ten largest reservations are such that American Indian women and children, as well as others, on these reservations are likely to need free medical assistance, along with other forms of public assistance, well into the future. The next section looks at some of the limitations of census data for understanding American Indian families.

This is followed by a review of the various groups within the American Indian population that are examined in the ensuing discussion of selected features of American Indian families. The chapter natife with a summary and conclusions.

The two major problems are the lack of information on kinship and family relationships beyond the household and changes in self-identification that make it very difficult to interpret trends among American Indians. A true story illustrates these two problems. Ishtokenahe and Simonteche came to Oklahoma from Mississippi single native american males the Chickasaw era of the "Trial of Tears," the forced removal of the Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, and other groups from the southeastern United States during the early to mids.

Among their children was Gabriel Underwood, the great grandfather of the first author.

During his adult years, Mr. Underwood, a full-blood, had aamerican full-blood wives who maintained somewhat separate households. Underwood moved periodically from household to household during the late s and early s. InNative American men of single native american males education received less income than whites. There are two noticeable features.

First, although more education is associated with higher income among Native American men, in much the same way as for white men, there is a considerable mark-down in each education category, ranging from Second, the process of acquiring more education does not narrow the income gap within each education category.

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Obtaining a college degree rather than not completing high school does not move the income of a Native American closer to that of his white counterpart in the higher education category. From tothe income returns to education for whites increased markedly. Returns to a college degree holder relative to those who completed high school increased from a premium of The return to those who failed to complete high school relative to those who completed high school fell from The Nativr American mark-downs across education levels increased marginally in two of the education groups, but fell for those who did not complete high school.

These amreican, however, did not offset those among whites, and thus the widening returns to education among whites single native american males to Native Americans. The average additional income to a Native American from completing a college degree relative to completing high school increased from We now turn to the labor force experience-income mmales.

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The slope of the experience-income profile is positive over most white age groups. Experience is measured as age minus years of schooling minus 6. The coefficient for indicates a 7. Forthere is a statistically ificant but slight difference in the experience-income profile of whites and Native Americans.

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By mles, however, there are substantial adjustments to be made to the white experience-income profile to represent the experience-income relationship for Native Americans. The relationship for Native Americans has become flatter. Native American males in the middle age groups did not share in the income increases that accrued to whites.

‚Ě∂Meeting african american singles worldwide. Single native american males other labor market minorities, such as blacks or women, the education premiums relative to whites are always negative. These reservations also tend to have high unemployment and poverty rates, and some have unfavorable americna ratios for marriage. The increase in the percentage for American Indians was not as dramatic in the s as it was for all women, but it was larger in the s than for all women.

If returns to the low-skilled continue to fall, Native Americans will need to improve their human capital characteristics substantially malws to whites just to maintain their relative income level. McKinnell Second, the differences may be due to cultural norms and values regarding the institution of marriage, issues we do not explore here.

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Peterson, editor. Having determined that it is coefficient changes which matter most, we can go one step further.

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The pictures listed in this leaflet portray Native Americans, their homes and activities. They have General view of buildings, Rocky Boy Agency, Mont. Chippewa Pumpkins growing in front of a single-family Zuni adobe.